Another day wasted....

 For four consecutive days, Parliament has remained stalled. The reason for this deadlock is not procedural complexity or legislative confusion, but a political standoff driven by the insistence of Rahul Gandhi. Parliamentary business has come to a standstill. The House was scheduled to debate the Motion of Thanks on the President’s Address, followed by the Prime Minister’s reply—a long-standing constitutional and parliamentary tradition.

The Prime Minister was to deliver his response on Thursday. However, even before he entered the House, the Congress leadership had formulated a strategy to prevent him from speaking. Priyanka Gandhi openly declared that if the Leader of the Opposition was not allowed to speak, no one from the ruling side would be allowed to speak either. This was not a spontaneous protest but a deliberate warning.

What followed inside the House was unprecedented. For the first time in India’s parliamentary history, Congress women MPs physically surrounded the Prime Minister’s seat—blocking access from both front and rear—so that he could neither reach nor occupy his chair. The Bharatiya Janata Party has alleged that this amounted to a planned attack on the Prime Minister. Whether that allegation is entirely accurate is debatable, but what cannot be disputed is that such conduct has never been witnessed in the Indian Parliament before.

No opposition, however strong or weak in numbers, has ever behaved in this manner. What is unfolding under Rahul Gandhi’s leadership has no parallel in parliamentary history.

Rahul Gandhi and his party repeatedly claim that he was not allowed to speak. This claim does not withstand scrutiny. He was allotted a full 40 minutes to speak on the Motion of Thanks to the President’s Address. Yet he did not utter even four words related to the President’s speech. His insistence was singular: he wanted to quote from an unpublished book and was unwilling to speak on any other subject. The Speaker ruled clearly that parliamentary rules do not permit such a reference.

This has led to widespread confusion and debate about parliamentary procedure, especially since BJP MP Nishikant Dubey was allowed to display books. The rules are unambiguous. Any Member of Parliament—regardless of whether they are Leader of the Opposition or an ordinary MP—has the right to quote from books, documents, magazines, or newspapers. However, this right is subject to two mandatory conditions.

First, the source being quoted must be authenticated and formally placed on the table of the House. The MP must take responsibility for its contents, accepting accountability if any claim is proven false. This accountability can invite privilege motions, disciplinary action, or even loss of membership, depending on the Speaker’s decision.

Second, and more fundamental, the quotation must be directly relevant to the subject under discussion. If the House is debating the Budget, one cannot raise unrelated controversies. In this case, the House was debating the Motion of Thanks on the President’s Address. Rahul Gandhi had no intention of addressing that subject at all.

Instead, he arrived with a book he claimed was authored by a former army general. The book, by his own admission, has not been published. He claimed it was published abroad but refused to disclose how he obtained it, responding with a cryptic smile when questioned. Logically, a foreign-published book cannot reach India within 24 hours. Moreover, past incidents—such as displaying a Constitution copy that turned out to contain blank pages—have already raised doubts about such theatrics.

Rahul Gandhi remained adamant that he would speak only from this alleged book, irrespective of the topic being debated. Parliamentary business, however, is not decided by individual insistence. The agenda is fixed by the Business Advisory Committee. Debate on the Motion of Thanks was scheduled until the 4th of the month, with all members—including the Leader of the Opposition—given time to speak, followed by the Prime Minister’s reply.

Two unprecedented developments occurred simultaneously. For the first time, a Prime Minister was prevented from replying to the President’s Address. And for the first time, a Leader of the Opposition openly refused to speak on the President’s Address at all. This makes it clear that disruption—not debate—was the intended objective.

Rahul Gandhi understood that parliamentary proceedings are broadcast live. Disruption guarantees visibility. Quiet speeches do not. In pursuit of spectacle, several Congress MPs climbed onto desks and threw torn papers at the presiding officer, leading to their suspension. Rahul Gandhi himself was not suspended.

In fact, the argument can be made that if any suspension was warranted, it should have applied solely to Rahul Gandhi. Once the Speaker delivers a ruling, it is binding on all members—regardless of position. Rahul Gandhi’s refusal to accept that authority lies at the heart of the deadlock.

The solution to this crisis, in the author’s view, is absurdly simple. Parliament should pass a resolution declaring that whenever a member of the Gandhi family—particularly Rahul Gandhi—rises to speak, no parliamentary rules or traditions shall apply to him. He may speak on any subject, at any time, in any manner. He may quote from any document without authentication. Topic relevance should not matter. National security considerations should not apply. No interruptions should be permitted.

Why? Because Rahul Gandhi considers himself entitled. In his worldview, laws, rules, and conventions are meant for others. Numerous legal cases—ranging from questions about citizenship to financial investigations—have lingered for years without resolution. High-profile controversies, including those that reached the Supreme Court, have produced little consequence. Even in cases where conviction occurred, relief arrived swiftly.

If constitutional law does not restrain him, why should parliamentary rules?

This recurring disruption has come at a cost. While Parliament remained stalled, major developments unfolded: the India-US trade deal announcement, the India-EU free trade agreement—described by European leaders themselves as the “mother of all deals”—and nationwide protests by youth over UGC guidelines. On these substantive issues, Rahul Gandhi has remained silent.

This is not new. From Rafale to Pegasus, from Hindenburg to other allegations, none of the issues raised by Rahul Gandhi have survived judicial scrutiny or public judgment. The electorate has repeatedly rejected his narratives. Yet he refuses to reflect or recalibrate.

Instead of engaging voters, he seeks to diminish institutions. Unable to draw a bigger line in politics, he tries to erase existing ones. In the process, he and his party continue to shrink.

In the Rajya Sabha, BJP President Jagat Prakash Nadda described Rahul Gandhi as an “immature child”—someone lacking understanding. The description resonates with the conduct on display. Rahul Gandhi himself claims he does not care about ridicule, even as members of his own party once coined mocking nicknames for him.

Congress leaders openly express frustration that the BJP continues to win while they continue to lose. But electoral defeat is decided by voters, not by disruption. The electorate removed Rahul Gandhi from Amethi in 2019, despite his position as Congress president at the time. Since 1984, Congress has not secured a full majority in the Lok Sabha—long before Narendra Modi entered national politics.

Yet instead of introspection, Rahul Gandhi believes that abusing Narendra Modi is his most effective political weapon. He uses language against the Prime Minister that no opposition leader ever used against Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi, or Manmohan Singh—despite their serious policy failures.

This sense of entitlement explains why Rahul Gandhi compares himself directly to the Prime Minister, despite being only one MP among many and a Leader of the Opposition whom even the full opposition does not unanimously accept.

As long as this attitude persists, parliamentary paralysis will continue. Disruption will replace debate. And the Congress party will continue its steady decline—not because of conspiracies, but because of its own choices.

- Being Hindu  FP page.

A party which lost its identity

 They came hunting, but ended up being hunted themselves. This line seems to perfectly describe the current condition of the Congress party and Rahul Gandhi. Over the last eleven years, it has become increasingly difficult even to count how many times Rahul Gandhi has fallen into traps of his own making. Time and again, he has been caught in situations created by his own actions and statements.

In politics, defeat, failure, or even repeated setbacks are not unusual. Losing elections or suffering parliamentary defeats is part of democratic life. However, what Rahul Gandhi has been doing recently—especially during the ongoing Budget Session of Parliament over the last three days—goes far beyond normal political setbacks and enters the realm of serious institutional misconduct.

During the discussion on the Motion of Thanks to the President’s Address, several Members of Parliament spoke. As Leader of the Opposition, Rahul Gandhi was given priority and multiple opportunities—at least five or six times—to speak. Yet, on none of these occasions did he address the President’s Address itself. Instead, he attempted to speak about an unpublished book allegedly written by a former Chief of Army Staff, a book that has not yet been cleared by the Ministry of Defence.

Whenever material related to national security is to be published, it must undergo mandatory vetting by the Defence Ministry and the Home Ministry to ensure that sensitive information does not enter the public domain. This particular book has not received such clearance. Despite this, Rahul Gandhi wanted to raise so-called excerpts from this unpublished book inside Parliament.

On one occasion, Rahul Gandhi even claimed within the Parliament premises that he personally possessed a copy of this book. This immediately raises a serious legal question. If such a book exists without Defence Ministry clearance and has been circulated, then both the publisher and Rahul Gandhi himself could potentially be accused of violating the Official Secrets Act. Under Indian law, such violations can invite prosecution and punishment.

Ironically, history shows a clear contradiction in Congress’s own conduct. In the past, the Congress party itself had threatened legal action under the Official Secrets Act over the publication of books related to national security, including works on the 1962 India-China war. Today, leaders of the same party are attempting to rely on an unpublished, unverified manuscript dealing with sensitive defence matters.

This raises a deeper question about intent. The core objective behind such actions appears to be political rather than substantive. Rahul Gandhi, time and again, has demonstrated a willingness to align—directly or indirectly—with narratives that damage India’s national interest, as long as they serve one purpose: weakening Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s image, destabilizing his government, and creating an opportunity to remove him from power.

However, the situation escalated further with an incident inside the Parliament complex. Suspended Congress and opposition MPs were sitting near Makar Dwar, the main entrance of Parliament. As Union Minister Ravneet Singh Bittu was passing through, Rahul Gandhi reportedly addressed him with the words, “Hello, traitor brother,” while extending his hand.

Bittu refused to shake hands and responded strongly, stating that he could not shake hands with someone he considered anti-national. He reminded Rahul Gandhi of the role played by the Gandhi family during the 1984 anti-Sikh riots and the attack on the Golden Temple, questioning how a turban-wearing Sikh could be labeled a traitor. This exchange triggered a major political storm, with the BJP alleging that Rahul Gandhi had insulted the Sikh community as a whole.

What made the matter even more sensitive was the fact that Ravneet Singh Bittu was once a close associate of Rahul Gandhi within the Congress party before leaving to join the BJP and later becoming a Union Minister. Rahul Gandhi reportedly added that Bittu would “return one day,” to which Bittu later questioned why someone labeled a traitor would be welcomed back.

As Rahul Gandhi found himself cornered, Congress attempted to create a counter-narrative inside Parliament. BJP MP Nishikant Dubey presented multiple published books in the House—books detailing allegations against the Gandhi family, including works on the Mitrokhin Archive, the Bofors scandal, and other historical controversies. These books, written by various authors, including well-known journalists and scholars, are all published, publicly available, and part of the public domain.

Congress questioned why Nishikant Dubey was allowed to refer to books while Rahul Gandhi was stopped. The answer lies in basic parliamentary procedure. Parliament allows references to published material relevant to the subject under discussion. The discussion at hand was on the Motion of Thanks to the President’s Address. An unpublished, unverified book allegedly containing sensitive national security information has no procedural relevance to that discussion.

Furthermore, Nishikant Dubey authenticated the books he cited by placing them on record, making himself accountable for any claims. Rahul Gandhi, on the other hand, refused to authenticate either the book or the newspaper clippings he attempted to cite. This fundamental procedural difference cannot be ignored.

The situation deteriorated further when Congress leaders announced that if the Leader of the Opposition was not allowed to speak, they would prevent members of the ruling party from speaking as well. As a result, when the Prime Minister arrived in the Lok Sabha at the scheduled time to reply to the debate on the President’s Address, aggressive protests by opposition MPs disrupted proceedings. The Presiding Officer was left with no option but to adjourn the House for the entire day.

This marked an unprecedented moment in India’s parliamentary history: a Prime Minister was prevented from delivering his reply in Parliament. The BJP has further highlighted that this reply was related to the President’s Address delivered by President Droupadi Murmu, who comes from a tribal background, framing the disruption as an insult to constitutional dignity as well.

Beyond individual incidents, this entire episode reflects a broader pattern. Congress repeatedly raises issues without fully understanding their implications, only to find that these issues ultimately turn against the party itself. By attempting to weaponize an unpublished book, Congress inadvertently opened the door to renewed scrutiny of numerous published works critical of the Gandhi family.

Rahul Gandhi’s conduct raises serious questions about parliamentary decorum and public responsibility. His language toward the Prime Minister, constitutional authorities, and fellow MPs reflects a disregard for institutional norms. His behavior suggests a sense of entitlement—the belief that rules, traditions, and accountability apply to everyone else, but not to him.

This behavior is rooted in frustration. Eleven years out of power is a long time for a party accustomed to ruling for decades. For the first time in independent India’s history, the Congress party has remained out of power for over a decade continuously. Deprived of authority, the party appears increasingly desperate, willing to cross any line to reclaim power.

History reinforces this pattern. Since 1989, the Indian electorate has repeatedly rejected Congress’s claim to a natural right to rule. Even when Congress formed governments in 1991 and 2004, it did so without a clear majority mandate, relying on sympathy or coalition arithmetic rather than popular endorsement. Allegations of horse-trading and corruption during confidence votes further weakened its moral standing.

In contrast, the BJP secured decisive mandates in 2014 and 2019, and even in the most recent election emerged as the single largest party by a significant margin. Congress, meanwhile, failed for the third consecutive time to cross even the 100-seat mark in the Lok Sabha.

Rahul Gandhi’s repeated breaches of parliamentary norms, his inflammatory language, and his handling of sensitive national security issues are steadily pushing the Congress party further into political irrelevance. Public memory is long, and voters are observant. Ultimately, it is the electorate that delivers the final verdict—and when the time comes, the answer will be given not in slogans or protests, but at the ballot box.

From Beiing Hindu FB

பெங்குயின்

 

 

That Penguin

No one chased me away here.

There are no tracks there.

No food. No water.

No lover waiting on the hill.

I step away

with full awareness.

Do not drape your imagined burdens over me

and call that relief.

Do not load me with your guilt,

your restlessness,

your hunger to assign meaning—

and then feel lighter.

Keep your interpretations with you.

We lived together.

Now it is time to part.

That is all.

Death and loneliness

are griefs meant for humans.

Not for me.

There is no celebration in birth.

There is no sorrow in death.

While speaking philosophy,

we do not drop bombs.

While speaking business,

we do not butcher lives.

There are no bullets in our feathers.

No deceit or conspiracy in our words.

We do not destroy by first winning trust.

We do not tear green lands apart.

We do not steal white continents.

We live

in our own way.

Go your way, humans.

National Interest is not negotiable

 Trump is unhappy with India.

He is unhappy because India prioritises its own welfare over that of the United States.

He does not like an Indian government that works for its own people and safeguards its national interests. He is uncomfortable with India maintaining an independent economic and political stance.

The US Commerce Secretary, Howard Lutnick, openly stated during trade deal negotiations that Trump was unhappy with India declining to comply within the imposed deadline.

The Trump administration even gave Prime Minister Narendra Modi a deadline — expecting him to call and agree to a trade deal.

India, however, did not comply.

This refusal was rightly praised by commentators as a clear assertion of national interest and a rejection of American pressure.

India’s Assertive Foreign Policy

Unlike some other nations — such as Indonesia, the Philippines, or Vietnam — India did not capitulate to US demands.

Prime Minister Modi prioritised India’s national interest, with a strong focus on self-reliance, Swadeshi, and Make in India.

India made it abundantly clear that any trade agreement would be negotiated on India’s terms and timelines, not dictated by Washington.

India’s decision to sign a Free Trade Agreement with the UK further demonstrates its independent foreign policy orientation.

US Frustration, India’s Confidence

Lutnick’s statements clearly reveal US frustration. He admitted that deadlines were extended three times, yet India remained firm.

There is reason for pride in this stance. India today behaves like a confident, self-assured, nationalist power.

National Interest Over Compromise

Prime Minister Modi has consistently emphasised the importance of national interest, especially in sensitive areas such as farmers, fishermen, and livestock rearers — sectors where the US sought significant concessions.

India must be prepared to accept short-term discomfort for long-term growth, secure in the belief that the United States will eventually return to the table — to do business on India’s terms.

Long live India

Venezuela and India

 A Thought for the Times

Power rarely announces itself politely.

It threatens first, negotiates later, and demands obedience disguised as “rules.”

From the day Donald Trump assumed office, the message was unmistakable:

Agree, or pay the price.

50%.

100%.

Now 500% tariffs.

This is not trade policy.

This is coercion dressed up as economics.

Once, Trump was laughed off as a loud, crude fool. Today, that laughter feels misplaced. The clownish noise may have reduced, but something colder has taken its place — a brutal confidence that assumes the world will fall in line.

History tells us that the United States has never been shy about interfering in other nations’ politics. Regime change, destabilisation, economic strangulation — these are not new tools. But what we are witnessing now feels more naked, more impatient, more reckless.

Venezuela is only one example. Environmental commitments are discarded without a second thought. Tariffs are weaponised. Allies are spoken to in the language once reserved for adversaries.

And India is not immune.

We trade with Russia. We buy oil where it suits our interests. For that, we are told to brace for punishment — not because we violated any international law, but because we refused to submit.

The irony is hard to miss. These very policies are hurting the American economy itself. Yet concern for consequences seems absent. Power, once tasted, often stops listening to reason.

So where does that leave countries like ours?

Here is an uncomfortable question worth asking:

Why is India not being treated like Venezuela?

The answer does not lie in diplomacy alone. It lies in deterrence.

There was a time when India could have been pushed around — economically, politically, even militarily. That time ended in May 1998. When Atal Bihari Vajpayee took the political call, and Dr. A. P. J. Abdul Kalam ensured its execution, India crossed an invisible line.

Nuclear capability did not make India aggressive.

It made India unpushable.

Missiles like Agni and Prithvi, strategic autonomy, indigenous defence systems — these were not vanity projects. They were insurance policies against a world that respects strength more than morality.

Today, the West may not like India’s independent stance. It may wish India were weaker, more compliant, more easily “managed.” But wishing is not the same as doing.

They may grind their teeth in frustration, but they are forced to tolerate us.

That tolerance was not granted.

It was earned.

And this leads to another uncomfortable thought:

If India had remained strategically weak, would elections alone have protected us from external pressure?

Would governments have been allowed to stand?

Would leaders have been spared?

History offers sobering answers.

India’s security did not happen by accident.

It was built — deliberately, quietly, and at great cost.

As tariffs rise and global pressure mounts, perhaps the real question for readers is this:

In a world that respects power before principle, are we willing to forget how fragile sovereignty truly is?

Pause.

Reflect.

And remember why some decisions, taken decades ago, still protect us today.

Venezuela

 சமூக நலத்திட்டங்கள் மக்களுக்கு தேவைதான்.  ஆனால்  எந்த அளவு என்பது, அந்த நாட்டின்  எதிர்காலத்தையும், மக்களின் மனோபாவத்தையும்  தீர்மாணிக்கும்.

இலவசம் ஒரு போதை! கம்யூனிசம் ஒரு போதை!  சில வருடங்களுக்கு எல்லாம் நலமாகத்தான் -   சுகமாகத்தான் இருக்கும்.  இறுதியில் பெரும் சரிவைவும் வீழ்ச்சியடையும் சந்தித்தாக வேண்டும்.   சரித்திரம், பல  வெட்டி-வீராவேச  முழக்கங்களின் பின்னே சென்று , முட்டுச் சந்தில் மோதிக் கொண்ட  வரலாற்றை சந்தித்திருக்கிறது. 

நேற்று  வெனிசுவேலா!

உலகிலேயே இலவசங்களால் அழிந்த நாடுகளில் முதன்மையானது வெனிசுவெலாதான். அந்த அளவிற்கு இலவசங்கள் அங்கு அதிகம்.

வெனிசுவெலா சாதாரணமான நாடில்லை. உலகிலேயே பெட்ரோலிய வளத்தில் முதலிடத்தில் இருக்கும் நாடு. சவூதி அரேபியாவைவிடவும் அதிகமான எண்ணெய் அங்கு இருக்கிறது. அங்கிருக்கும் எண்ணெய் வயல்கள் அனைத்தும் அமெரிக்கர்களின் கட்டுப்பாட்டில் இருந்தன. எண்ணெய் விற்றுக் கிடைத்த பணத்தைக் கொண்டு வெனிசுவேலா கொழித்தது. அதன் அருகாமை நாடுகள் அனைத்தும் பொறாமைப்படும்படியான வாழ்க்கையை வெனிசுவெலா மக்கள் வாழ்ந்தார்கள். அப்படி வாழ்ந்த காலத்தில் தங்களது அண்டை நாட்டு எழை, எளிய நாடுகளை சாதாரண வெனிசுவெலாக் குடிமகன் கேலி செய்து வாழ்ந்தான்.

இப்படிச் சென்று கொண்டிருந்த வாழ்க்கை ஹ்யூகோ ச்சாவேஸ் என்கிற மூடனின் மூலமாகக் கீழே சரிந்தது. வெனிசுவேலா அதிபராகப் பதவியேற்ற ச்சாவேஸ், தன்னை ஒரு "பொதுவுடமைவாதியாக'க்  கருதிக் கொண்டார். வெனிசுவேலாவிலிருந்து அமெரிக்க எண்ணெய் நிறுவனங்கள் விரட்டியடிக்கப்பட்டன.  அனைத்தும் அரசுடமையாக்கப்பட்டது. அந்த நாட்டுக் குடிமக்களுக்கு அனைத்தும் இலவசமாக வழங்க உத்தரவிட்டார் ச்சாவேஸ்.

ஆரம்பத்தில் எல்லாம் நல்லபடியாகவே நடந்து கொண்டிருந்தது. ஆனால் எண்ணெய் எடுக்கும் கருவிகளை இயக்கும் அளவிற்கு டெக்னிகல் சமாச்சாரங்கள் வெனிசுலாவின் மக்களுக்குத் தெரிந்திருக்கவில்லை. எண்ணெய் உற்பத்தி குறைய ஆரம்பித்தது. இதன் காரணமாக கஜானாவில் இருந்த பணம் கரைய ஆரம்பித்தது.

எந்த வேலையும் செய்யாமல் சும்மா உட்கார்ந்திருந்த வெனிசுவெலா மக்களுக்கு உலகின் அத்தனை பகுதியிலிருக்கும் உயர்தரமான பொருட்கள் இலவசமாக வழங்கப்பட்டுக் கொண்டிருந்தது. இதன் காரணமாக எவனும் எந்தவேலையும் செய்யவில்லை. விவசாயிகள் விவசாயம் செய்வதைக் கைவிட்டார்கள். இதையேதான் பிற தொழில் செய்பவர்களும் செய்தார்கள். விவசாயம் அழிந்தது. உள் நாட்டுத் தொழில்கள் நசிந்தன.

எனவே அரிசியிலிருந்து எல்லாப் பொருட்களும் வெளிநாட்டிலிருந்து இறக்குமதி செய்யும் நிலைக்கு ஆளானது.  எண்ணெய் எடுப்பது நின்றுபோனது. அதற்கும் மேலாக அமெரிக்கா பொருளாதாரத் தடைகளை இட்டு நிலைமையை மோசமாக்கியது. 

இதற்கிடையே, இதற்கெல்லாம் காரணமான கோமாளி ஹ்யூகோ ச்சாவேஸ் கேன்சரால் இறந்தார்.

அவருக்குப் பின்னர் அவரது நண்பர் மடூரோ அதிபரானார். காரகாஸ் நகரில் பஸ் ட்ரைவராகப் பணிபுரிந்தவர் இந்த மடூரோ. எந்தவிதமான நிர்வாகத் திறமையும் இல்லாத மடூரோ, வெனிசுலாவை இரும்புக்கரம் கொண்டு சர்வாதிகாரியாக ஆட்சி செய்தார். பணமில்லாததால் இலவசங்கள் நின்றுபோயின. நேற்றுவரையில் சுகபோக வாழ்க்கையில் திளைத்த வெனிசுவெலா மக்களை பஞ்சமும், பட்டினியும் சூழ்ந்தன. அதிலிருந்து இன்றுவரையில் அவர்களால் வெளிவர இயலவில்லை. 

இலவசங்கள் முற்றிலும் நின்றுபோயின.

இந்தத் தகவல்களையெல்லாம் பெரும்பாலோர் அறிந்தேயிருப்பார்கள் என்றாலும், வெனிசுவெலா நமக்கெல்லாம் ஒரு பாடம்.

நேற்றைக்கு அமெரிக்கா அதிரடியாக வெனிசுவெலாவைத் தாக்கி மடூரோவையும், அவர் மனைவியையும் கைது செய்து அமெரிக்காவிற்குக் கொண்டு சென்றிருக்கிறது. அதன் நோக்கம் என்னவென்பதனைவிளக்கத் தேவையில்லை. இனி வெனிசுவெலா அமெரிக்காவின் அடிமை நாடு.

சோவியத் சீட்டுக் கட்டு வீழ்ந்த கதை நினைவிருக்கும்.

நம் நாட்டை  ,  இலவசம் என்னும்  ஒட்டுண்ணி மெல்ல மெல்ல அரித்துக் கொண்டிருக்கிறது.  

கட்சி அரசியல் போட்டி காரணமாக, சகட்டு மேணிக்கு இலவசம் எனும் வியாதி, பிஜேபியையும் விட்டு வைக்க வில்லை. மாதம் 2000₹ free. பெண்களுக்கு  பேருந்து பயணம் free. பொங்கலுக்கு 3000₹ free.  மின்சாரம் free (100 to 200 units)

மக்களுக்கு தரமாகக் கிடைக்க வேண்டிய கல்வி, மருத்துவம் சாலை போன்றவைகள் மெல்ல மெல்ல விற்பனைப் பொருட்களா மாறத்துவங்கி விட்டன.  

சங்கம் உழைப்பைத்தான் போற்றுகிறது.  "தானங்களை" மட்டுமே அல்ல! அது ஒரு பகுதி! அவ்வளவே!!

மோகன் பகவத்ஜி சொல்கிறார்:

Don't try to understand the ideology of RSS through the BJP or VHP; they work independently and are not remote controlled by the Sangh” 

Attempting to understand the RSS through its affiliated organisations were making a fundamental mistake.

Benzos

I am observing from the circles, considerable number of people,  especially above 40, tends take Benzos for insomnia related issues & depression .   They even do not know, they are Benzos and how it work on the brain.  What they think is, it's just another tablet, which can help them to sleep.  It's  not so simple buddy! Learning the damages done the brain activities would be a starting point of the quitting process.  I am not talking about the real patients who need psychological meds; it's about the people who are taking it on their own, just for sleep.  

The article, I read in SM, is reproduced below, with due thanks and courtesy  to the author. 

Benzo Brain Damage Recovery: Healing Your Brain After Benzodiazepines

Clinically Reviewed by Bobby Boykin, MS, LASAC, CRS

Using benzos for a long time can leave you feeling worried about your brain. You might wonder if the changes you notice are permanent or if your mind can bounce back. The truth is, benzo brain damage recovery is possible. With the right guidance, medical support, and daily habits, your brain can start to heal, and you can regain focus, memory, and clarity.

Recovery isn’t instant, but small, steady steps make a real difference. At Guiding Road Recovery Center, we help people like you understand the changes benzos cause and support the journey to safer, healthier brain function.

Key Takeaways From This Blog

• Learn about the effects of benzodiazepines on the brain and the risks of long-term use.
• Discover medical and holistic ways to support brain healing from benzos.
• Get practical tips for daily routines that aid recovery and improve cognitive function.

How Benzos Can Affect Your Brain and Cognitive Function

Benzodiazepines are a class of drugs often prescribed to manage conditions like stress, anxiety, and insomnia. They work by calming the central nervous system and enhancing the effect of GABA, a neurotransmitter that slows down brain activity. While this sedative effect can bring relief, long-term use can lead to noticeable changes in the brain. People who use benzos for months or years may notice damaging effects like memory issues, slowed thinking, or difficulty concentrating.

The risk grows with high doses and prolonged exposure, as benzos can alter neurotransmitter activity and affect the brain regions responsible for learning and emotion. This doesn’t mean recovery is impossible, but understanding these effects is the first step toward healing from prolonged use of benzodiazepines.

Brain Changes From Long-Term Benzodiazepine Use	Possible Symptoms
Altered functions of neurotransmitters in the brain	Memory lapses, fogginess
Reduced cognitive flexibility	Difficulty problem-solving
Changes in brain structure (hippocampus)	Short-term memory issues, emotional instability
Nervous system slowing	Fatigue, slowed reaction time

Recognizing the ways benzos affect your brain helps you track recovery progress and work with professionals on a plan to restore cognitive function safely and develop healthier coping strategies.

• Reduced anxiety and better emotional regulation
• Slow but steady restoration of brain health and cognitive function

Being patient and consistent with medical guidance, healthy routines, and emotional support ensures the best possible brain healing from benzodiazepine exposure. Progress may feel slow, but every small step contributes to a stronger, clearer mind and improvements in cognitive impairment.

• strengthens the central nervous system, and improves mood. Activities like walking, swimming, or yoga are gentle yet effective.
• Engage Your Mind. Challenge your memory and attention through puzzles, reading, or learning new skills. Stimulating the brain encourages recovery of cognitive function affected by prolonged benzo exposure.
• Manage Stress Mindfully. Practice meditation, deep breathing, or mindfulness to calm the nervous system. Reducing stress helps your brain restore balance after benzodiazepine withdrawal.
• Follow Professional Guidance. Regular check-ins with healthcare providers ensure safe detox, proper tapering, and ongoing support for brain recovery.

Recovering from benzos can feel overwhelming, but you don’t have to face it alone. At Guiding Road Recovery Center in Phoenix, Arizona, we provide compassionate care, evidence-based treatment, and holistic support to help individuals safely overcome benzodiazepine addiction and promote long-lasting brain health. Reach out today to take the first step toward a healthier, clearer mind.

India helps BD, amid their their hate propaganda

 A Staff Correspondent report:

The death of Inqilab Manch convener Osman Hadi, his transformation into an anti-India icon, the attacks and vandalism of the Indian embassy and diplomatic residence in Bangladesh, all of which are attributed to an Indian conspiracy, have created an extremely alarming situation centered on anti-India sentiment across the country. The onion market in the country is on fire due to the extreme crisis! It is being sold at a price of more than 100 taka per kg.

In such a situation, onions have been coming from India through the Benapole land port in Jessore for the past 3 days. The latest import was on Saturday, December 20, when 90 metric tons of onions were imported.

According to government sources, the price of imported onions per kilogram has fallen to around 42 to 43 taka in Bangladeshi taka. After the start of onion imports, the price in the domestic market has already decreased by 10 to 15 taka per kilogram.

The consignment reached Benapole Port at around 6:30 pm on Saturday. Benapole Port Director Shamim Hossain said that a total of 210 metric tons of onions have been imported in 7 trucks through India’s Petrapole Port in the last 3 days.

Rafiqul Islam, owner of M/s Royal Enterprises, a company that clears imported onions, said that importers from different parts of the country have imported these onions.

He further said that the first consignment of 90 metric tons of onions arrived in three trucks on Monday, the second consignment of 30 metric tons in one truck on Wednesday, and another 90 metric tons in three trucks on Saturday evening. Earlier, 60 metric tons of onions were last imported through this port in September this year.

Meanwhile, Abu Faisal, owner of importing company M/s Kapotaksha C&F Agent, said that onions are being imported from India at a price of 305 US dollars per ton. Adding port and import-related incidental costs, the price per kg stands at 42-43 taka. Transportation and labor costs will be added to this during marketing.

Benapole Port Director Shamim Hossain also said that some more onion trucks waiting to enter Bangladesh are at Petrapole Port in India. They will enter Benapole Port in phases. All necessary measures have been taken at the port for the quick unloading of onions.

While Bangladesh opens its propaganda gun against India, our country doing this facility. Let th BD people understand, who is their mithra and who is their foe. 

Public Sector

Who Should Own Big Organisations — Individuals or Government?

Across the world, large organisations fall into two baskets:

Government-owned enterprises (PSUs)

Privately-owned enterprises (individuals, families, corporations)

Both are essential, but both come with baked-in strengths and risks. What matters is how political leadership and bureaucracy handle them.

1. The Government Sector: Strong Muscles, Weak Nervous System

A government enterprise usually starts with noble goals:

Universal access, public service, nation-building.

But over time, two forces undermine them:

a) Bureaucratic rigidity

Procedures become more important than outcomes.

Decision-making slows down. Risk-taking disappears.

Even a small operational change requires multiple approvals.

b) Political interference

Unproductive postings, patronage networks, and delays due to political calculations.

The organisation slowly loses its competitive edge.

BSNL is the classic example.

Fantastic infrastructure. Massive reach.

But suffocated by layers of rules, slow upgrades, and no authority to take market-speed decisions.

A Ferrari engine operated by 1950s traffic rules.

Result:

The country suffers, and private players take over the space.

2. The Private Sector: Fast, Efficient — But Not Your Friend

Private enterprises have built modern economies.

They innovate, move quickly, and take bold decisions.

But their goal is not national interest — it is profit.

This is not immoral; it is their operating DNA.

They will:

Expand rapidly when profitable

Exit brutally when loss-making

Lobby aggressively for favourable regulations

Use crisis moments to push their agenda

The Indigo Episode: A Textbook Case

Indigo knew exactly when to push:

At a moment when India was geopolitically occupied with Putin’s arrival in Delhi, they triggered a disruption over DGCA’s Flight Duty Time Limitations (FDTL).

Two years they had to plan.

They ignored it.

Then suddenly, they tried to corner the government and create public pressure.

This is corporate strategy, not coincidence.

It shows a truth many don’t want to admit:

Private companies can arm-twist the state when they reach near-monopoly scale.

3. So, Which Model Is Better?

Neither is perfect.

A modern nation needs a hybrid approach.

Where the Government Must Stay Strong

Telecom backbone

Railways

National power grid

Defence manufacturing

Health & food security networks

Aviation safety and regulation

Here, national interest outweighs profitability.

Where Private Sector Should Dominate

Consumer services

Retail

Technology R&D

Logistics

Airlines (operations, not regulation)

Here, speed and customer focus matter.

4. The Real Problem: The Missing Middle

India’s challenge is not “public vs private”.

It is bureaucracy vs accountability.

Government institutions are tied down by procedure,

Private institutions are unrestrained by social responsibility.

India needs a governance architecture where:

PSUs have operational freedom like a private firm

Private firms face strict enforcement when they cross lines

Regulators are independent, competent, and fearless

Political leadership does not allow monopoly behaviour

5. Conclusion: Balance of Power, Not Blind Faith

A strong government ensures national assets are not looted.

A strong private sector ensures the country stays modern and efficient.

What India must avoid is PSU lethargy on one side and corporate bullying on the other.

The Indigo incident is a reminder:

When bureaucracy weakens public institutions, private giants gain enough muscle to challenge national authority.

A country of India’s scale cannot afford either extreme.

Indigo (2)

IndiGo vs Government of India: A Test of Regulatory Courage

What we are witnessing today between IndiGo and the Government of India is not merely a dispute over aviation scheduling or pilot duty hours. It is a classic confrontation between corporate dominance and sovereign regulation. At stake is a fundamental question:

> Who governs India’s skies—elected authority or market power?

The DGCA’s Flight Duty Time Limitations (FDTL) were notified two years ago. This was not a sudden, whimsical decision. It was a long-scheduled safety reform aimed at protecting pilot health and passenger lives. Yet, IndiGo—India’s largest airline with over 60% market share—chose not to realign its business model in time.

That choice was strategic, not accidental

When Others Complied, IndiGo Resisted

The most inconvenient truth for IndiGo is this:

> Air India and Akasa Air complied with the DGCA guidelines. IndiGo did not.

They operate in the same airspace. They face the same infrastructure bottlenecks. They hire from the same pilot pool. They absorb the same fuel price shocks. Yet they managed compliance.

This destroys the narrative that:

The rules are “unworkable”

The timeline is “unreasonable”

The regulation is “anti-business”

If the law were truly impossible, no airline would have complied. But they did.

Which means the real issue is not feasibility.

The real issue is profit maximisation at the edge of safety limits.

This Is Not Operational Stress. This Is Pressure Politics. Indigo Choose to provoke the public and government of India when Putin landed on NewDelhi. It's  not accidental, I presume.  They done this deliberately. 

IndiGo’s business model is built on:

Maximum aircraft utilisation

Tight crew rostering

High-frequency rotations

Minimal buffers

This model delivered spectacular profits. But it also left no room for safety-driven recalibration. When enforcement became unavoidable, the fallout was projected onto passengers through:

Mass cancellations

Media panic

Public inconvenience

This follows a familiar global pattern:

> “If you enforce the law, the public will suffer.”

That is not compliance difficulty.

That is institutional arm-twisting.

Why the Government’s Stand Matters Beyond Aviation

If the Government had diluted or postponed the rule under pressure, three dangerous precedents would have been set:

1. Market dominance becomes regulatory immunity

2. Safety becomes negotiable

3. Profit is placed above human endurance

By holding firm, the Government is making a far more important statement:

> India will not outsource safety to corporate balance sheets.

This is exactly how strong States assert authority—whether it was:China halting Jack Ma’s Ant IPO,

The EU breaking Google’s monopoly,

Or Australia forcing Meta and Google to pay its media.

India is now being tested on the same civilizational question:

> Does the State still have the nerve to discipline its biggest corporations?

India Has a Proud Tradition of Confronting Power When It Overreaches

History offers reassurance.

1947: The abolition of princely privileges and subsidies—ending centuries of entitled power.

1969: Bank nationalisation—breaking the grip of business families over national credit.

Morarji Desai era: The pursuit of financial scams and black-market operators without fear or favour.

Telecom, coal, banking reforms in later decades—all aimed at restoring State primacy over cartelism.

Every time money tried to bend the Republic, India’s political leadership—across ideologies—eventually found the courage to push back.

That tradition must not break now.

Modi Government Now Faces a Defining Moment

This is not about being “pro-business” or “anti-corporate”. India needs strong private enterprise. But there is a constitutional red line:

> No business model is above public safety.

If IndiGo needed more pilots, it had two years to hire.

If it needed schedule rationalisation, it had two years to implement.

If it needed regulatory modification, it had two years to contest legally.

It chose instead to expand aggressively first and negotiate compliance later.

The Government must now decide:

Whether market leaders get special dispensations, or

Whether rules are uniform for both giants and newcomers.

This Is Ultimately About the Passenger and the Pilot

An exhausted pilot is not an HR issue.

It is a national safety risk.

Every major global air disaster—from Tenerife to recent fatigue-related investigations—shows the same lesson repeatedly:

> Human limits are not negotiable.

The DGCA exists precisely to enforce this truth—even when it is inconvenient to powerful players.

Conclusion: This Is Market Power vs Rule of Law

This is not: IndiGo vs DGC . This is: Dominance vs Discipline

Expansion vs Endurance

Profit vs Life

India has always corrected its course when power—royal, political, or corporate—grew too arrogant.

The hope now is that the Modi government will continue that tradition with the same clarity and firmness—without fear, without favour, and without dilution.

Because in a mature Republic:

> Airplanes may be private.. But the sky belongs to the people.

Indigo (1)

Crisis in Indian Domestic Aviation — or a Crisis Created by IndiGo?

There is growing reason to believe that what we are witnessing is not just an operational failure, but a calculated, master-class corporate pressure tactic by IndiGo.

The revised Flight Duty Time Limitations (FDTL) were introduced by the DGCA two years ago. IndiGo chose to delay changes in its operational planning instead of complying with the guidelines. If the airline had genuine concerns, it could have approached the government or the courts well in time.

Instead, it waited for the problem to snowball—eventually triggering large-scale flight cancellations and operational chaos.

This raises a serious question:

Is IndiGo attempting to “muscle-twist” the Government of India by cancelling hundreds of flights at the last moment?

The Real Cause of the Disruptions

The cancellations were primarily caused by poor planning and serious misjudgment of required crew strength during the implementation of the second phase of revised FDTL norms, which came into effect on 1 November 2025.

Several insiders and observers believe that this crisis may have been deliberately allowed to escalate in order to pressure the DGCA and the government into relaxing or delaying the new duty norms.

An open letter, reportedly from employees, clearly stated that the

> “operational collapse was allowed to escalate in a way that exerted pressure on the government for extension or relaxation.”

This is an explosive allegation—and it cannot be brushed aside.

Government’s Firm Response

The Ministry of Civil Aviation and the Government of India reacted sharply, expressing strong displeasure over IndiGo’s handling of the situation—especially when the airline had ample time to prepare.

A high-level inquiry has been ordered to:

Fix accountability

Identify failures

Recommend preventive measures

To stabilise operations, the DGCA was forced to temporarily relax certain duty rules. IndiGo has now promised to return to full normalcy by February 2026.

Pressure Through Chaos?

Officially, the crisis is blamed on planning failure. But the outcome has created a situation where IndiGo’s market dominance and the resulting disruption appear to have been used as leverage against regulators.

This episode exposes the dangerous imbalance between:

A near-monopoly private airline

And public regulatory authority

Internal Revolt and Public Suffering

Importantly, a section of IndiGo’s pilots and ground staff have openly criticised the management. This clearly shows that all employees are not aligned with the company’s decisions.

As always, the worst sufferers are ordinary passengers, who are paying the price for management failures, not regulatory ones.

Accountability Is Non-Negotiable

Both IndiGo and the aviation regulator must be held accountable:

For failure to comply with rules

For failure in operational monitoring

For putting public safety and convenience at risk

This episode once again proves a simple truth:

> Allowing monopoly in any industry—especially aviation—will sooner or later create a crisis.

The Way Forward: More Players in the SkyIndia urgently needs:

More competition

Stronger compliance enforcement

Zero tolerance for operational blackmail

More players in the sky are not just desirable—they are absolutely necessary for the health of Indian civil aviation.

Short Visit to Brune

Before reaching Phillipines, had a short break at Brunei.

Brunei is a unique destination in Southeast Asia, known for its opulent mosques, pristine rainforests, and rich culture.  This tiny nation is Abode of Peace, ruled by monarchy system.

Top Attractions and Activities

Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddien Mosque: A prominent landmark in the capital, Bandar Seri Begawan (BSB), known for its golden dome and lagoon.

Kampong Ayer (Water Village): A large stilt village on the Brunei River where visitors can take boat tours.

Ulu Temburong National Park: A rainforest offering a canopy walk and jungle views. For want time we didn't visited here.

Royal Regalia Museum: Located in BSB, displaying the Sultan's regalia.

Jame' Asr Hassanil Bolkiah Mosque: The largest mosque in Brunei.

Gadong Night Market: A market to experience local street food. 

Travel Tips

When planning a trip to Brunei, consider the following: 

Best Time to Visit: The dry season, from January to May, is recommended for outdoor activities.

Culture and Etiquette: Brunei is a Muslim country, so dress modestly and respect local customs. Alcohol is prohibited.

Currency: The Bruneian Dollar (BND) is used. Cash is useful in markets, while credit cards are accepted in larger establishments.

Transportation: Taxis or pre-arranged tours are often used for convenience despite cheap public transport options.

Cuisine: Try ambuyat, the national dish. Vegetarian food also available.   Surprisingly I found many Tamil Speaking population in market area.

My tour operator is from Pondicherry  (Puducherry), +91 95970 82240, Sri Ilankeshwaran, MD Greatway Leisures pvt Ltd,  who can very much be dependable nice person. 

Plan for atleast two days trip. 

Phillipines tour.

After a long time (after pandemic) I made a short trip to   🇵🇭  Philippines. 

I preferred this location for it's landscape made by  Volcanoes & Water

My recent trip to the Philippines turned out to be far more dramatic than I expected. Many people imagine the country as just beaches and shopping. But what I saw felt straight out of Baahubali and Avatar — nature on a grand, cinematic scale. A beauty bowl.

🔥 1. Puning Hot Spring — Where Volcanoes Heat the Waterfalls

This is not a small stream or a casual hot-water pool.

Puning Hot Spring sits at the foot of the Pinatubo volcanic range, and the stream we passed through actually flows straight from volcanic mountains.

The water that falls on you is naturally hot — boiling from inside the earth.

In India, we know hot springs like those in Badrinath, but a hot-water waterfall itself? That’s rare. The entire region feels alive — steaming rocks, warm flowing streams, and a surreal landscape carved out by past eruptions.

An unforgettable experience.

🛥️ 2. Yacht Party at Subic Bay — Relax after a hectic day.  

Subic Bay gives a completely different mood — peaceful blue waters, old naval base, and quiet coastlines.

After the volcanic landscapes of Puning, cruising on a yacht here felt like entering a different world. Calm, classy, and refreshing. Dance, dine & drink! Ofcource you are free to ignore third! But you will be billed.

The bay is surrounded by hills, old military structures, and gentle waves. Perfect for:

A relaxed sunset cruise

Music with friends . A slow, easy evening. A nice contrast to the adventure-filled day

🌊 3. Pagsanjan Falls — 200 Feet of Pure Adventure

This place is something else. Reaching Pagsanjan Falls itself is half the thrill — a narrow 200-feet wide river snaking through dramatic hills.

And then comes the real magic:

Nearly 13 waterfalls pouring down around you.

Cold, powerful, roaring water everywhere — the kind of scenery you usually only see in big-budget movies.

For a few minutes you feel like you’re inside Avatar or Baahubali, surrounded by raw nature.

The boat ride, the rapids, the steep cliffs… everything is breathtaking.

 In Short

The Philippines surprised me.

Volcano-heated waterfalls.

Cinematically beautiful river canyons.

Calm evenings in Subic Bay.

A country where fire and water coexist — and together create some of the most spectacular landscapes I’ve ever seen.

✔ Travel tips

Travel Tips for the Philippines

1. Plan with TripAdvisor or Trusted Local Operators

The Philippines has many beautiful places, but they are often far from each other.

If you don’t plan properly, you may spend more time travelling than sightseeing.

Use TripAdvisor or a reliable travel agency to plan your day trips.

2. Stay in the Outskirts of Manila

Manila city traffic is a nightmare, especially during office hours; weekend .

Choose hotels in the outskirts or less crowded areas.You will save a lot of time, and your travel will be less stressful.

3. Food Tips

Filipino food is mild, not spicy.

Vegetarian food is available but options are limited.

Indian restaurants are there — but contact them earlier. They can prepare food for you, if u inform them in advance.

Jain food is very rare, so plan accordingly.

Fish and chicken dishes are always available and easy to find.

4. Use a Comfortable Vehicle

Distances can be long, and roads may get crowded.

A comfortable car or van makes the journey much easier.

✔ Best season

November to April. Watch the weather reports carefully.

Dress:

Winter cloths on this season are not required. Any casual wear chalega.

✔ Practical advice.

Wear Helmets and life jackets when it is advised by local guide. 

Don't spend time on shopping.  Manila and and Angeles City are not shopping paradise, like Singapore or Dubai

Use lockers if hotels offer. Safe your passports and money.

Don't carry too much dollars. 

Solo trip is good; but would be expensive. Public transports are not as frequent as in India.

Medicines are available only on prescriptions. OTC types are reachable. 

Money exchange is available on Manila, Angeles City and Airports. As usual airport is less returning. 

Try to avail the Yatch around Sunset. Too late us too boring. 

My tour operator is from Pondicherry (Puducherry), +91 95970 82240, Sri Ilankeshwaran, MD Greatway Leisures pvt Ltd, who can very much be dependable nice person